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LETTER 









Hon. Jos a Hil 



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Reply of Hon. Joshua Hill 

To the Sixty-nin Islative Friends of Eon. A. II. Ste- 

phens : 
Gentlemen — I have read your review of me and my r< 
h on tin' Senatorial election. I have never had a newspaper 
controversy, nor Lave [ th ri desire for one. In your case, 

I would naturally seek to uv<»id "the war of the many with one," 
if for no other reason than the great disparity of numbers. 
Ton havi into an elaborate argument to prove that 1 

. rong in saying of Mr. Stephens that, under the circumstan- 
ces, he oonld :. suspicion of having encouraged his 
election to the Senate, i after presenting your array of 
■Mr. Hill must fail back upon his judgment as being 
1 by hifl attitude." 1 admit I am not infallible. I may ho 
obtuse. V. ; of your reasoning 
and facts, 1 oannot help thinking that some, more incredulous 
than the rest, will attribute to Mr. Stephens the amiable wei 
ofbeii ily "over-persuaded." He did not refuse the high 
. 1 the "kingly crown," and yet I 
is ambition. But there was but one Anthony im- 
portuning < ': sir. 

"in all th.ii . . aper- 

ncd that I bad been warned — and that, not 

in a dream, bul with my • week 

that a shrewd and 
knowing politici n of Alexander H. 

phens and Qcrschel V. J< . i 

propb it at 

fa!!, and, I 

mm end me 
ke less of it than a cu- 
lling had been comtuunii 

nuted 
ke of 
irfmon of a gallantly contested four 
mile race, with wd, as the 

u '1 neok, thundering down the last <juar- 
llble. Hut the gallant ■ 
I, reminded of that beautiful Scriptural aphorism, 
" the They both ran we'd, and 

each was nigh is never .' 

thought Fatalists and Predestinarians) that either should win. 

You attack m; I i loyalty to the government of the 

United States, and demand, with an air of triumph, "What is the 



6 



ploa of loyalty set up by Mr. Hill f" You then proceed to contrast 
my poor efforts to save the Union, to the Herculean labors of Mr. 
Stephens to preserve it, and succeed in convincing yourselves that 
Mr. Stephens has the better record. I never doubted its suiting 
you better, nor <;uestioned that Jefferson Davis' record pleases 
many of you better still. Mr. Dsvis is entitled to all the credit 
that al fcaches to unflinching dev • ; ion to a cause that he consented 
to embrace and defend. Had I loved the cause, I could but have 
honored his constancy and determination. 1 never regarded the 
cause and the South as synonymous. I could not look, upon the 
rebellion "with favor, when I felt that it was absolute ruin to tho 
South, and a curse upon my whole country. 

It is surely no fault of mine that gentlemen should refuse to 
read my reported speeches and published letters. Had they done 
so, they would now remember the uniformity of sentiment per- 
vading theni, and their ardent nationality. This is characteristic 
of all I said or wrote during my public service. But I am 
aware that I never had any particular claims upon the public re- 
gain!, farther than being esteemed somewhat above that contempt- 
ible thing, a professional politician; in independence and candor. 
I never sought to win notoriety in any manner. Unlike some 
of whom I wot, I was not ashamed of the position of a private 
gentleman, living secladed fro'i >rld, and but little known 

beyond the small circle of friends surrounding me. And if a 
single one of you imagine thi t my eh • tion ' ■ ate would, 

in my own opinion; u add a cubit to my stature/' or for an hour 
increase my vanity, you know little of me, 

No; I have weighed "the glittering bauble," Fame, and for 
long years have been accustomed to say of it, that anything less 
than the reputation of day or Webster is not worth seeking. 

Such reflections as these, aided, perhaps, by the severe teach- 
ings of misfortune, have enabled me to bear up under the frowns 
of former friends, and — 

u To suffer 
The stings and arrows of outrageous fortune," 
without repining. 

Forme to undertake to convince you that I loathed and abhor 
red disunion or secession, ami that I never failed to rebuke it, 
when I came to speak or write of it, would be to make myself 
ridiculous; and to acknowledge that your estimate of the value 
of tny opinions is the universal one. As highly as I respect you I 
oi consent to abide your judgment of my insignificance. 

t. i for my recogni >:t to the Union, it was a fact fixed 

in the minds pf.such men as John J. Oil tephen A. Doug- 

i 1 Henry Winter Davis, all of whom, "had 
they but served their God with half the zeal" they served their 
country, would now be, as I hope they are. bright angels in abet- 
ter world. And of the living, let me name John Sherman, of 
Ohio, (\q\\. John A. Logan, Charles F. Adams, Dawes, Thayer, 
Mr. Seward, and Morrill, and, I mi all who knew me or 

observed my political com 

In the midst of the bloodiest scenes of the wicked and causeless 
war through which we have passed, it was a source of heartfelt 
comfort and consolation, ''when my household-gods lay shivered 



around me," to know thai ! irai still oherisbi 

the Onion by my old associates throaghont th nation. 

thai settled oonviotion u to my character and 

ly indebted for marked courtesy and kindness. 

Every man in Georgia, of ordinary int 
bare been looked upon with distrust and nnkiodm 
i'« > r my attachment to the Union. How many i f 
nounced me for my national principles? Which of yoxi I 
Bared Mr. Stephens for his abandonment of bin <■ 
cession, and for consenting to serve in th 
Montgomery, or for acoepting 
Confederate States! Which of yon blamed hii 
counsel and personal influence to the i> 
that yon complained of him for enconragiug the p< 

itionality and inde] 
ns be candid with each other, gentlemen. I'" j 

■ bim more for bis identification with i 1 
an 1 his consequent Bufferings and imprisonment, than for his 
"early disrelish" of secession 2 I bad come nei 
ilfctr iseion. I am nol aware tli 

. at any time, denied the ri 
though '"»'!i have oendemi 

anse. I would not knowingly do eitherof then 
iy still bold thai 
you c them tor maintaining the opinion : 

I have never sought todepre 
he Legislature in 1860^ to pre 1 
rious. But I did complain at the time,* and have continu* 
complain, that he did not refuse the Ordin 

sion, then move to refer it to t lie people, and, upo 

lojority, to Buhmit it to the popular vote, a the 

friends of the people to withdraw with him I 
■ d to Hon. 15. II. Hill my r 
did not take that course. 
Jt is not pleaaanl to advert to it. even at ;' 
but the truth nf history demands it. What public a 
was publioly burned in 
• 
sion wasadoptedl Think youit wai 
Was thai then r> garded a crime 1 What -• 
like m H 

Tt> which <>f you am I under 

indictive displays of F< eling I 
yon : my indebti 

' for my inertness in the 
thus contemned and d< ipised 
friends of true libert 

are qoiel and thoughtful. And :-> thai 
is this count rj or the hlightio 

was not numbers, but the cone 
and the Tabid spirit of intolerance, thai 

iiad the honest, laboring US 

d a calm expressioi 



8 

propriety of disunion, and that he who voted for the Union was 
to be regarded as the equal in courage, devotion to the State, and 
every element of manliness of him that favored disunion, I feel 
confident the unwise step would never have been taken. 

Pardon me if I show some anxiety to refute the prevailing idea 
of your letter, to wit : that I, at best, was a mere passive friend of 
the Union, of doubtful character, while Mr. Stephens was enthu- 
siastic and devoted. I did not begin to make Unioh speeches 
in 1860. I began five years before that, in denunciation of that 
unfortunate measure, known as the Kansas bill — the greatest 
blunder, except, perhaps, the defeat of the Clayton Compromise, 
ever made in American politics. I made no other but Union 
speeches from that time to this day. 

I made many very thorough Union speeches in 1S50 and 1SG0; 
several in the autumn of 1800, in Georgia, all of which appealed 
to the people to submit quietly and peaceably, as good citizens, to 
the probable election of Mr. Lincoln. I answered Mr. Wm. L. 
Yancey, who was regarded pretty generally as a respectable advo- 
cate of disunion. We both spoke in the State House of Maryland 
about, the last of September, I860. The next evening I spoke to 
many thousands in Baltimore, from the same stand with Governor 
Swan, Senator Kennedy and Representative Webster. The press 
said it was a Union speech, and complimented it very highly. 
Two days afterwards I addressed a large meeting in Washington 
city, as many can testify. But, of course, you never heard any- 
thing of all this, and refused to listen to anything I said. I received 
some substantial testimonials of regard from a Boston gentleman, 
for my reply to Mr. Yancey. You may not know it, but I can 
assure you that the great orator of Alabama, was quite as earnest 
in his declamation, as was Mr. Toombs, and altogether as power- 
ful. I never claimed auy more credit for " measuring arms with 
the great orator on that occasion," than I have for discussing with 
Mr. Toombs, or Mr. Stephens. I never heard any one compliment 
lion. B. II. Hill on his exhibition of nerve for "raising his voice 
in favor of the then despised Union. 1 believe no one was killed 
or hurt for doing it. On the contrary I have heard that such was 
the courtesy of the excited period that Mr. Toombs himself, at the 
close of Mr. Stephens' speech, called for three cheers for the 
gifted orator, which were freely given. 

I wrote a letter in December, 18G0, over my own name, pub- 
lished in the Southern Recorder, first urging the people to require 
pledges of their delegates, in writing, before electing them, to sub- 
mit the action of the Convention to the popular vote, in which I 
was severe on secession. But it escaped your attention — like all 
my labors. 

Some of you are aware that 1 am a member of the still existing 
St:: to Convention. I committed a grave error in that body in 
consenting to abandon my announced intention to insist on a re- 
consideration of the vote adopting the ordinance r< pealing the 
ordinance of secession, for the purpose of declaring said ordinance 
" absolutely null and void." I gave, at the time, my reasons, 
abating nothing of my principles and opinions, but reluctantly 
yielding to the solicitations of friends of the Union, and being 



9 

anxious to moid discussion calculated to produce discord and 
bitter 

Had I reflected properly on ihesnstainii _• • ' the word 

"repeal," nponthe dootrin a— the right of 

secede from the Union — and, a- a <■• ditj of all 

indebtedness incurred by bbcL State for the prosecution of a war 
in defence of the right of secession, I could not bave been induced 
to forego my purpose. 1 o mid not have obtained a majority for 
the support <>t' my views. If was manifest thai a majority were 
opposed t<> tin- repudiation of the war debt, and that it was only 
to yielding to the requirements of the President, and 
a greater number remaining silent. 

i'<> yield the willing assent of the mind, unreservedly, to the 
absolute nullity of every act of every reprasentative body, intended 
-:ain, in any manner, the rebellion, is to reject the whole doc- 
trine of secession. Until this is done, there is no repudial 
the abominable heresy. It is a question of the highest importance 
to the people of the entire Union, that a distinot and emphatic 
renunciation of the doctrine ol - that bav< 

! to it to destroy the I nion, should precede the return of 
such States to a position of equality in the Union, with unoffend- 
ing States, The folly of restoring a State to the Union, with the 
- --ion unimpaired, and still maintained ami 

defended by its prominei :ity of th 

of a Convention of the people, and by a majority of the I.> . 
tare, can only he equalled by an amendment of the Federa 
Btitution, expressly admitting the irighl ol ise, in 

ra judgment sufficient to withdraw from the I nion. 
This doctrine of i m, despite the mischiefs and miseri 

has p -. 1 his day generally tolerated, if not 

entertained, by the peopli i than it was, when it 

redur Tiio mass of mankind, have neither !■ 

nor patience to in. principle of government 

They are oftener influenced by ar 
feelings and interests than to their i right 

favon 
lieved their action ' •• has 

..dure up to this time, but mo 
lieve I had it m>: been crushed l>y numbers, 

■. ould ha> promised. ( m th.' • 

-ion. who have 
fered deeply by loss of fortune, and were made v. retched by the 

• relaxed in tie . -. and are. 

. .-, pertinacious in maintainii . 

gacity, fond of the adulation of their fellows, and ambi- 
. .ce. know well ol public feeling, and either 

sympathise with it or allow it to exist without attempti 
reot it. To he sure, there are prominent individual exceptions to 
this rule, hut not sufficient to effeel " limit their 

political vision to the boundaries of the S peits 

d polity — without - rard for its Federal 

It is refreshing, in this dear! r reasoning, to find - 

of the foremost Intelle its that contributed all their powers t.> aid 
disunion, m>w openly proolaimii g their opposition to th< 



10 

that would assert the right of the State to he represented in Con- 
gress by just such individuals as the people, or their representa- 
tives might prefer, wholly regardless of theirpast history. These 
gentlemen perceive plainly that they themselves, though heretofore 
often honored by the people with the highest trusts, are, by reason 
of their identification with seeess on and war.no longer proper 
instruments to be chosen to restore cordial relations between the 
State and national authorities. Recognising secession as a failure, 
and a principle to be forever rebuked, they now express a willing- 
ness to be considered as no longer available public men, and to 
retire from the political arena, yielding to such as may be more 
agreeable on account of their political action to the Federal gov- 
ernment, and consequently more useful to the State. This is the 
beginning of wisdom. Do you agree with me in my estimate of 
such conduct? What think you of such modesty and self denial ? 
These gentlemen found no difficulty in restraining their friends 
from wantonly voting for them. 

What though you insist that all differences of opinion as to past 
political events should be consigned to oblivion, never to be re 
vived! Can you compel Congress to adopt your suggestion : It 
is not your will, but theirs that must govern. Are you quite cer- 
tain that your practice agrees with your teachings.' 

It may interest some who will take the pains to read what I 
write, to learn a few political incident;', known to myself and 
others, which I relate merely to increase the evidence of my good 
standing as a Union man, with eminent Unionists, at a time 
when there was some merit in being a Union man. True love of 
the Union is like genuine, heartfelt piety. It is serene, uniform; 
forbearing; exhibiting itself in every act, and, without effort, con- 
vincing all men of its deep sincerity. And, what is more, it is 
independent of the frowns or blandishments of men. Washing* 
ton was its impersonation. How 1'ew were capable of apprecia- 
ting his grand patriotism; his exalted love of country; 

I first saw and heard read the celebrated Crittenden Compro- 
mise resolutions in December, 1860. I was invited to a room in 
Brown's Hotel, Washington, and there met some half dozen mod- 
erate, but prominent' members of the Republican party, 1 being 
the only Southern man present. Our host, a distinguished sts 
man and accomplished lawyer of Indiana, then in attendance en 
the Supreme Court, produced the famous ''peace offering," in his 
own elegant hand, and submitted it to the gentlemen present fer 
their consideration and criticism. This noble man still lives, 
pledged never to accept political office. Should this chance to 
meet his eye, he will not fail to recall the scene. I mention this 
to show the esteem in which I was held by these national men, 
and the interest I felt for the preservation of the Union. 

I recall, with melancholy interest, my last interview with my 
Indiana friend. It was by own fireside in Washington. Georgia 
had seceded, and I, against the advice of true and sagacious 
friends, was preparing to return to my home. Both of us were 
mourning the folly and madness that menaced the peace of the 
country. He drew a vivid picture of the inevitable conflict ho 
saw approaching, and feelingly suggested that his son and mine 
might meet in deadly strife, strangers to each other, and one of 



u 

theno might t';ill by tl 

I'. .. know what 1 haue lost, and fewer still will care. 

Many think I waa bu 

life. I appeal not to nw i '.;. , and ye 

• 

rs. It (•;. of unfi eling politii 

(>h. - bruise \s , and thy 

I ; : 1 1 1 r>, as follow 

is, and the ott I oor pub may 

well bo paid of irbons, — 'they bave 

learned nothing, and forget a revolution.' One would 

thin!. 

intrary." 
1 >'i,- ol I be ta 
after I 

■ 

in them. 11 Do ;• 

• 
The 
almost unrivalh 

knew i)f brul 

i iin.-n in all the South, v. 

led. •■ the 

i 

not remember !. 

e him for 
I tr 

neo I ever 

• 

. 
dina. < Inr foth< 
aboul 

i 
■!. i never kn. 

I 
in the wh< 



12 

secessionists, and rail against Yankees, as the meanest and wick- 
edest of the human race, for disagreeing -with them in the destruc- 
tion of the Union. In this rebellion against the Union, women 
and parsons are conspicuous for their zeal and acclamations. The 
most ferocious feelings are not only avowed, but boasted of, and 
nothing is respectable but desperation. Why, a member of the 
Legislature declared exultingly in the House that he was thankful 
for the fire, as it would make it easier to burn the rest of the town 
if the Yankees were likely to become masters of it." 

"These tilings savour of madness more than passion. If they 
are to be believed they would rather that South Carolina share the 
fate of Sodom, than that secession should suffer a defeat, or even 
a temporary reverse. The detestation expressed for our late 
countrymen finds a parallel only in the contempt which the Chi- 
nese feel for the English and Frendh barbarians. I am satisfied 
that this madness must, in time, give way to depression and lassi- 
tude, but how long it will last no one can tell." 

"The Northern mind seems to be almost as deeply stirred as 
that of the South ; and though the South as natural fighters are 
more than a match for equal numbers — the preponderance of the 
North will encourage them to keep up the contest along time, and 
in the end they may learn to fight, in which, at present they are 
sadly at fault. So were the Russians when the Swedes gave them 
their first lessons." 

There is a good deal more of conjecture as. to the prcbable 
future, much of which has become history. He concludes with 
these sadly prophetic words : "The future is doubly dark. The 
most probable issue for both sides is, that instead of the military 
being subordinate to the civil authority, the. revolution will end 
in the military having it all their own way. My hopes are sub- 
dued, but so are my fears. I don't expect to live to see the end, 
and am glad of it." He had hi* wish, and James Louis Petigru, 
no great while afterward, slept with his fathers. Would he have 
held such converse, at such a time, with any but a trusted friend 
of the Union? His whole life was one of consistent devotion to 
the government of his country 

1 have great respect for candor, even when coupled with fa- 
naticism; hence my high regard for my friends, Milledge L. Bon- 
ham and James L. kail, borli ultra disunionists and ardent in the 
of rebellion — both scorning to hide away in bomb-proof po- 
sitions, and not content to display their valor by clamoring for 
war, testified their sincerity by exposing themselves on "well 
stricken fields." 

You charge that 1 became a candidate for Governor, and "tried 
to get an office, the obtaining of which must have made it impos- 
sible for him (me) to take the oath," &c. I was no more a can- 
didate for Governor than was Mr. Stephens a candidate for Sena- 
tor. I deny trying to be elected. I refused to review the admin- 
istration of Governor Brown, and to condemn it, when assured 
thai by doing so I could concentrate upon myself the opposition 
to him, and thereby keep down a third candidate. "Solitary and 
alone,"' on the floor of Congress, I had censured his unlawful sei- 
zure of the I'. S. Arsenal at Augusta, and Fort Pulaski, near Sa- 
vannah. The Secession Convention afterwards approved his ac- 



13 

tion, and thoroby rebuked me. With whioh ©f US did vou lynV 
pathise I 

In permitting my nnme to be voted fur, I only hoped t<» form 
the nucleus of a Boatbero conservative party, opposed < 
and war, and favoring peace I called four or five of my most 
trusted friends living in this town and vicinity, ell of whoi 
live, to bear me witness that, under no possible circumstances, 
would I ever take an oath to support the Constitution of the 
federate States, or the government or laws the;.- W< 

ined the official oath of the Governor, and concluded that. t.. him 

as the civil and military head of the State, the oath for civil < ffi- 
cers only, did not apply. And if it had, and I could hare been 
elected, I would have spurned it. In doing so, J should have i 
more character than I could by tilling the office. The g< m 
to whom I refer are men of high character, and "ha\. 
State some service." lam proud to claim them as my friends, 
and they are proud of my principles and my course, whioh : 
well understand. 

Tho secession and war press denounced mv letter and its author. 
How many of you defended the letter, end vindi< The 

lovera of peace, and the honest haters of disunion, r me, 

when not driven from the polls by secession bullii if you 

are late in discovering my strong anti-reconbtruotion sentii 
How many of you denounced me as a [Jnionist-reoonstructi 
and every thing objectionable, politically J Which of 
8 I"' ,t -' -•me.' Did Union men complain of me S No 

rejoiced at the opportunity of voting for a man in whom they 
trusted, Four course has made them only more I >me. 

They constantly testify their regard for me, " They remember fond- 
ly that I labored to prevent disunion, and that , 
the knee to liaal." 

Bui be consoled, gentlemen; yon have the majority with you. 

\\ it. i hut a tew exceptions, secessionists and war-men sustain your 
action, and openly exult at the overthrow of Jan. 
my -elf. 

1 declined all invitations to visit the armies, or to >p,ak at any 
point I made no defence to the assaults upon me, chargii 
with loveof the Union and opposition to the war. in mv i. 
declared the utter impossibility of restoring the lost Dnioi 

I do QOtsee that i- returned ton, ,.■,,,->,, . .-, /. |; 

• Dialed to endear it to the' ; 

where, that have been sadly altered by war. I rejoice tnat 
u cannot he -aid of me that J, Ln any manner. in produ- 

cing these innovation* Bow many of »ou admire mv . 
■ rote for any officer of the Oonfe 
il think that it would have been more praise wort 
have even sought place under it .' How many, and which ol 
made speeches and argument- to BOldiers to deter them 
ting for me ? 

In a gallant Begiment, to wl of you be] . . d of 

wluch six or seven oompanies went from my old I 
District— one of them from my own oounty, com, 
ot my neighbors and friends, and of my on n ion- 1 d one 

single vote. That was oast by an independent, bigh-souled pri 



14 

rate, who dared to do what lie conceived to be his duty. Many 
of these brave soldiers had been accustomed to vote for me for 
Congress, even against the advice of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Toombs, 
but, on this trying occasion, they could not incur the odium. They 
liked me personally, as I believe some of you do, but thought I 
loved the Union "not wisely, but too well." 

I lost the support of the only very influential paper that advo- 
cated for a time my election, by promptly refusing, when required, 
to say tii at I would not consent to live under the same Govern- 
ment with the people of the free States. The election went by, 
and though only second in the race, as in the recent one, I pre- 
served the respect of my friends and of myself. Success is not the 
true test of merit. 

"The rank is but the guinea's stamp, 
The man's the gowd for a 1 that." 
Lest the President should be imposed on, some patriotic Geor- 
gians furnished him with a copy of my letter, lie understands it 
— he understands us all. lie knows what suspended loyalty 
means, and knows how to appreciate new-born devotion to the 
Union. He knows as well as you do, that Mr. Davis voted in the 
Senate Committee for the Crittenden Compromise, and of course 
that he was opposed to disunion. This, you contend, makes a 
good Union record. Do you doubt, gentlemen, that the President 
or the Senate would have approved the election of Mr. Davis to 
the Senate by the Legislature of Mississippi ( What objection 
could be urged against it? Does any occur to you? Has he not 
talents and a large experience to commend him? And was not 
he, too, one of the Prophets? 

It occurs to me to inquire of yon, what apology you propose to 
make for the very inconsiderable vote you gave the President's 
Provisional Governor, James Johnson, for Senator? In your zeal 
for the Union, how could you forget his record '. What had lie 
done to shake your confidence in his loyclty ? Was it his excess 
of kindness in recommending applicants for pardon to the Presi- 
dent, that you intended to rebuke? His fine talents and personal 
worth were not unknown to you. Can it be that you intended to 
reprimand him for accepting the appointment of Governor? 

You are all satisfied that I am powerless in Georgia, but you 
are not so well assured that your condemnation of me is destruc- 
tive of my influence at Washington. It becomes necessary, now, 
to insure that. You may succeed in convincing those who con- 
trol the Government that the Organization of a stupendous rebel- 
lion to overthrow the Constitutional Government of your country, 
the sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of valuable lives lost in try- 
ing to maintain the supreme authority, together with the slaugh- 
tered thousands cruelly seduced or driven to take arms as insur- 
gents, is a light affair. You may, by ingenious argumentation, 
prove that the men most to be trusted by the Government are 
those most prominently and conspicuously identified with the rebel 
government ; the men whose names must live in history, more on 
account of the high places they occupied in the rebel government 
than for anything they ever did in the service of their lawful 
government. But when you succeed in all this, then cover over 
Avith a thick veil the niches in your capitol that may contain the 






15 

stai Iks of Washington, Jackson, Webster and clay, and forbid 
your oountrymen to look upon then again. Then will tlio rero- 
lotion prove :i triumph, ami the Union become a phantom. 
!:■ spectrally, 

JOSHUA IIII.L 
Madison, 6a., February 10th, 1866. 

TO TMK fl 

h of you as have published the letter of Mr. Stephens' fri 
will do an act of justice, andol politeness also, by publishing tli« 

J. II. 



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